卷首語
《藏外佛教文獻》第一輯的卷首語曾解釋過什麼叫「藏外佛教文獻」，指出「近代以來從梵文、巴利語、藏文、蒙文等各種文字翻譯的佛教典籍；敦煌藏經洞保存的大量佛教典籍；各地圖書館、博物館保存的未為歷代大藏經所收的古代佛教典籍；正史、地方史志、叢書、類書、個人文集中保存的佛教資料；與佛教有關的金石資料；近現代的佛教著作與資料。上述種種均可稱為藏外佛教文獻。」第一輯至第三輯比較集中地整理與發表了敦煌遺書中的若干佛教文獻，而現在呈獻於讀者面前的第四輯至第六輯則擬將其他方面的佛教文獻也擇要介紹若干，以使讀者對所謂「藏外佛教文獻」有更加具體的印象。
首先是漢譯藏文佛典。眾所周知，藏傳佛教是我國三大佛教體系之一，與漢傳佛教始終交互影響。從典籍交流史看，藏傳佛教典籍曾四度影響漢文佛典。第一次發生在唐代，當時吐蕃統治敦煌七十餘年，一些藏文佛典在敦煌被譯為漢文。數量雖然不多，但對敦煌佛教有較大影響。這批典籍沒有傳到內地，因而沒有被收入漢文大藏經，但幸而保存在敦煌遺書中。《藏外佛教文獻》第三輯發表的《因緣心論頌》、《因緣心論釋》即屬此類。第二次發生在西夏，當時把一大批藏文佛典翻譯為漢文。這些佛典主要在西夏流傳，也沒有能夠收入傳統的大藏經，但近代以來在西夏故地屢有發現。《藏外佛教文獻》第二輯發表的《八種粗重犯墮》即屬此類。如果說上兩次的影響局限在一定的範圍內，則後兩次的影響則廣泛得多。第三次發生在元代，從現有資料看，翻譯的數量不多，且已入藏。第四次發生在近代，這一次的典籍交涉，無論是深度還是廣度，都大大超出前三次。翻譯的典籍無慮百十部，但至今缺乏全面、系統的收集與整理。我們從中選擇了隆蓮法師於五十年代初期翻譯的《入菩薩行論廣解》，刊登在第四輯，以饗讀者。隆蓮法師是中國當代比丘尼中的第一人，她的這個譯本，趙樸初先生在序言中已有定評。目前，不少人對藏傳密法頗有興趣，坊間有關書籍出版得不少，但人言言殊。我們希望本文獻的發表能促使研修者更加重視藏傳佛教原始資料的學習與鑽研，以正本清源。
其次是漢譯南傳佛典。古代，曾有不少南傳佛典的經典被譯為漢文，但隨著佛教的衰落，南傳佛典的翻譯也成為絕響。本世紀三十年代編撰《普慧藏》時，曾計劃將南傳佛典譯為漢文，但因為缺乏專門人才，收入《普慧藏》中的若干南傳佛典，實際是從日文轉譯的。其後，南傳佛典的翻譯一直是我國佛教界、學術界注目的重點，也翻譯了如《法句經》、《清淨道論》等一些典籍，但從總體看，這一工作斷斷續續，沒有能夠真正展開。八十年代以來，情況有所改觀，台灣佛教界致力於從日文轉譯南傳佛典，大陸學者則努力從巴利語原典直接進行翻譯。其中特別是鄧殿臣教授發大願心，把全部力量投入這一事業，精心翻譯出一批南傳典籍。正當我們為南傳佛典陸續譯出而歡欣的時候，鄧殿臣教授因積勞成疾，不幸逝世。這是我們的一大損失。鄧殿臣教授逝世前不久，我與他已就在《藏外佛教文獻》上發表他的譯作達成一致意見。在與鄧殿臣教授進行遺體告別時，我暗下決心，一定要盡力把鄧殿臣教授翻譯的典籍出版出來。在鄧殿臣夫人趙桐女士的大力支持下，這一願望終於實現。這次刊登在第五輯上的《小誦》、《即興自說》、《大隧道本生》就是鄧殿臣教授的遺作，《大念處經》則是鄧殿臣教授與其夫人趙桐女士合作翻譯的。此外，鄧殿臣教授翻譯的《大隧道本生經傳》已由中國佛教協會列入「法音文庫」印行，《長老偈．長老尼偈》也已經由中國社會科學出版社出版。當前，中國佛教界一批年輕僧人對於初期佛教持有特殊而又濃厚的興趣，希望從初期佛教中找到對治當今佛教界某些弊病的法門。我們希望南傳佛教典籍的翻譯，對他們的這種探索能夠有所助益。
使我們感到特別高興的是我們在第六輯中能夠向諸位提供一批雲南阿吒力教的典籍。
雲南大理等地區流傳著一種稱為「阿吒力教」的佛教，這是人們早就知道的事實。但這種阿吒力教究竟屬於那一個系統，過去則有著種種不同的說法，有的認為它屬於印度密教系統；有的認為它屬於藏傳佛教系統；有的認為它是印度密教的本土化，稱之為「滇密」。總之，雖然尚不能正確地定義，但一般均將它歸為密教。前些年，台灣藍吉富教授在實地調查的基礎上，指出：阿吒力教「與密教之間的關係，必須要重新估量。輕率地將它與唐代開元間的密教、或日本、西藏的密教（或密宗）劃上等號，是不精確的。」1他認為：「阿吒力教信仰，是仍在雜密階段的法術式的信仰。……似乎祇是密教外殼的展示而已，並沒有吸收到密教的核心內涵。……阿吒力教的教法，主要仍然來自中國的漢地佛教。」2為阿吒力教的研究指出了新的方向。
雲南社會科學院宗教研究所的侯沖先生經過長期艱苦的努力，收集到大量的阿吒力教的典籍，在充分佔有資料的基礎上，提出阿吒力教並非前人所謂的密教，而是在明初教、禪、講分離政策下出現並遷移到雲南的「教」派的殘餘。也就是說，所謂阿吒力教，實際是明代「教」派的活化石。當然，「活化石」言者，無非是強調阿吒力教實際與明代的「教」派一脈相承，並不是說阿吒力教完全保持著明代「教」派的原狀，沒有任何改變。諸法無常，世界上沒有永不改變的事物。例如由在家人出任阿吒力，就是一個巨大的變化。總之，侯沖先生的研究雖然還有不少方面需要進一步完善與仔細論證，但已使我們對阿吒力教有了全新的認識，以前的疑滯一掃而空。
侯沖先生工作的另一個意義是再次證明了科學研究中努力佔有原始資料的重要性。前此人們對於阿吒力教所以有種種不著邊際的看法，主要原因是沒有佔有原始資料，僅滿足於二手資料的轉抄與人云亦云的摘引。藍吉富先生作了實地調查，雖然由於條件有限，沒有能夠實際見到多少阿吒力教的典籍，但僅憑他見到的部分阿吒力教典籍的目錄及其他資料，他就敏銳地發現前此的觀點是錯誤的。而侯沖先生之所以能夠發前人之所未發，關鍵正在於他調查掌握與整理了一大批前人沒有見到過的阿吒力教典籍。發表在第六輯的就是其中的一部分。我們希望這種重視原始資料的學風能夠得到切實的發揚。同時，我們也希望各文獻收藏單位能夠秉承「學術者，天下之公器也」的優良傳統，為中國學術文化事業的發展，作出應有的貢獻。
石刻資料始終是佛教資料的一個重要組成部分。石刻資料的內容非常豐富，諸如碑銘、造像題記、刻經等等。古代僧人曾十分重視這些資料的收集與利用，如歷代的僧傳，幾乎沒有不大量利用碑銘資料的。在《藏外佛教文獻》的第四輯，我們刊登一批重慶大足的石刻資料。大足石窟開創於宋代，是我國著名的石窟之一。所刻諸種經文偈頌與造像，為我們瞭解與研究當時的佛教提供了重要的資料。例如從第四輯所刊的大足石刻資料，明顯反映出當時佛教以因果報應來勸善懲惡，用提倡孝道而爭取民眾，以他力拯救為解脫號召的特色，而這正是中國民俗化佛教，或稱信仰性佛教的三個最基本的特點。
敦煌遺書中佛教文獻的整理已經成為《藏外佛教文獻》的特色。由於第四、第五、第六等三輯中非敦煌資料收入較多，敦煌資料的篇幅祇好相對壓縮，總計五篇。第四輯刊登三階教資料兩篇，其中《佛性問答》（擬）是近年在北京圖書館新發現的，特約請業露華先生予以整理。本文的敦煌俗字較多，因缺乏校本對照，雖經我們反覆校對多次，也曾請教過文字學方面的專家，但仍然沒有把握說所有的字都已經辨認無誤，還請方家指正。另一篇《大乘無盡藏法》，是信行的早期著作，日本矢吹慶輝曾擬名作「信行遺文」，收錄在《三階教研究》的資料篇。這次根據新發現的資料重新整理。《如來在金棺囑累清淨莊嚴敬福經》是一部中國人撰寫的疑偽經，係根據敦煌遺書與石刻資料綜合整理而成。該經特別強調必須如法寫經造像，反映了南北朝時期僧人力圖匡正時弊的努力。我想，這對於我們每一個佛教文獻整理者來說，也有一定的借鑒意義。收在這三輯中的敦煌佛教文獻還有第五輯中的《瑜珈師地開釋分門記》與第六輯中的《進新譯大方廣佛花嚴經表（附總目）》。
第四、第五、第六等三輯每輯刊登一篇研究論文。其中陳金華先生的論文《傳善無畏所譯三部密教儀軌出處及年代考》是他的博士論文的縮寫，文中以大量的證據與嚴密的邏輯，指出傳統認為由善無畏翻譯的三部密教典籍實際上並非善無畏所譯，而是日本天台宗僧人編撰的。這涉及到日本佛教台密的一系列重大問題，想必會引起讀者的興趣。侯沖先生的《雲南阿吒力教經典及其在中國佛教中的研究價值》羅列了他所收集到的五十餘種阿吒力教典籍的目錄，並簡單介紹了他對雲南阿吒力教研究的最新觀點，可以作為第六輯所發表的阿吒力教經典的一個附錄。至於我本人的《天台教典入藏考》，考察的對象雖然是天台教典的入藏，但目的卻在於探索《開寶藏》的目錄結構。我曾與日本緒方香州先生約定，合作進行《開寶藏》目錄的復原研究，這篇論文實際就是上述研究一個部分。
《藏外佛教文獻》第三輯出版於1997年3月，此後不斷有讀者詢問以下諸輯的出版消息。按照編委會每半年出版一輯的原定計劃，我們本應在97年內出版第四輯。但如上面所介紹的，此次組織的稿件絕大多數不是由編委提供，故整理、編輯的進程也相應有所不同，因而延誤了定稿的時間。最後，我們決定乾脆將第四輯、第五輯、第六輯等三輯的稿件，作為一個整體，統籌處理，一併出版。這樣，從總體來說，我們基本上仍保持半年一輯的進度。今後，如果經費能夠保證，沒有其他特殊情況，我們將力爭保持每半年一冊的進度。從整理內容而言，除了還有部分已經整理好的阿吒力教的典籍將陸續刊登外，今後的一個階段，我們將把整理的重點依然放在敦煌遺書方面。
FOREWORD
In the foreword to the first number of our Buddhist Texts Not Contained in the Tripitaka, I have pointed out that "Here we find, for example, all kinds of Buddhist scriptures translated in modern times from Sanskrit, Pali, Tibetan, Mongolian, etc.; a great amount of Buddhist texts from the Dunhuang Scripture Cave; ancient Buddhist texts which are kept in various libraries and museums and have not yet been included in the Tripitakas of the various eras; Buddhist materials preserved in dynastic histories, local gazetteers, classified reference books and collected works of individual persons; materials on stone and bronze inscriptions; Buddhist works and materials of recent dates. All the above-mentioned works can be called Buddhist texts not contained in the Tripitaka. "Our first three numbers have, relatively speaking, laid stress upon the collation and publication of a number of Buddhist texts among the surviving documents from Dunhuang, and the fourth to sixth numbers, which we are presenting to our readers, have also selected some important Buddhist texts in other areas so that our readers can get more detailed knowledge of the so-called Buddhist texts not contained in the Tripitaka.
Let me first talk about the Chinese translations of the Tibetan Buddhist scriptures. As is well known, Tibetan Buddhism, being one of the three major Buddhist systems in China, and Chinese Buddhism have mutually influenced each other all the time. According to the history of texts exchanges, Tibetan Buddhist texts have exerted influence upon Chinese ones four times. The earliest influence occurred during the Tang Dynasty. A number of Tibetan Buddhist texts were translated into Chinese in Dunhuang in more than seventy years when it was under the reign of ancient Tibet named Tubo. Although the number of the translations was not large, they had influenced Dunhuang Buddhism greatly. Nevertheless, these texts have not reached the interior of our country, and as a result, have not been included into Chinese Tripitakas. Fortunately, they have been preserved among the surviving Dunhuang documents. The two texts entitled Yin Yuan Xin Lun Song and Yin Yuan Xin Lun Shi, which we have published in the third number of our Buddhist Texts Not Contained in the Tripitaka, just fall into this category. The later influence occurred during the reign of the Western Xia, when a good number of Tibetan Buddhist scriptures were translated into Chinese. Those Chinese texts mainly spread in the area controlled by the Western Xia regime, and therefore have not been included into traditional Tripitakas. However, in places where the Western Xia used to be, people have repeatedly found some of the texts since modern times. One example is the Ba Zhong Cu Zhong Fan Duo published in the first number of the Buddhist Texts Not Contained in the Tripitaka. Obviously, the influences exerted during the above-mentioned two times were confined in a very limited area. The following two influences, however, have been much farther and wider. The third influence occurred during the Yuan Dynasty, when, from the material available now, a small number of Buddhist texts were translated into Chinese and included into the Tripitakas. The fourth influence occurred in modern times, when the involved texts, in terms of both depth and width, have greatly surpassed the first three times. The number of the translated texts is about one hundred. Hitherto, they have not been collected and sifted completely and systematically. Now, we have selected the text Ru Pu Sa Xin Lun Guang Shi translated by Master Longlian in early 1950's and would like to offer it to our readers in the forth number of the Buddhist Texts Not Contained in the Tripitaka. Master Longlian has excelled as a bhiksuni in contemporary China, and her translation has won the final judgment by Mr. Zhao Puchu in his preface to it. At present, many people have showed keen interest in Tibetan Tantrism, and quite a number of books in this area have been published. However, among them have been found various views. We hope that the publication of this text here can spur researchers to pay more attention to the studies of the source material of Tibetan Buddhism so as to avoid unnecessary errors.
Then come the Chinese translated versions of the southern Buddhist scriptures. In ancient times, many a southern Buddhist scripture had been translated into Chinese. However, with the decline of Buddhism, the translation work had been suspended for centuries. When the Puhuizang was being compiled in 1930's, they planned to resume the work to translate some southern Buddhist scriptures into Chinese. Being in short of specialized personnel, some southern Buddhist scriptures, which were included into the Puhuizang, had as a matter of fact been retranslated into Chinese from Japanese. Since then, the translation work of the southern Buddhist scriptures has become a focal point for the Chinese Buddhist and academic circles. Some scriptures such as the Fa Ju Jing and the Qing Jing Dao Lun had been translated into Chinese. However, this work, on the whole, being frequently off and on, had not been really unfolded. The situation has changed somewhat since 1980's. The Buddhist circles in Taiwan have been engaged in translating the southern Buddhist scriptures from Japanese while the Buddhist scholars in the mainland have made efforts to translate the scriptures directly from the original Pali texts. What is especially worth mentioning is Prof. Deng Dianchen's great determination and dedication to the cause, into which he had devoted all his efforts. And he had meticulously translated a group of southern Buddhist scriptures. While we were very delighted to see that the southern Buddhist scriptures had been continuously put into Chinese we learned the sad news that Prof. Deng had passed away because of constant overworking. His death was a great loss to our cause. Shortly before his death, Prof. Deng and I had agreed to publish his translations in the Buddhist Texts Not Contained in the Tripitaka. While I was paying my last respects to him I made up my mind in silence to try my best to publish the scriptures that Prof. Deng had translated into Chinese. Now, this wish has come true with the energetic support form Mrs. Zhao Tong, Professor Deng's wife. The Xiao Song, the Ji Xing Zi Shuo and the Da Sui Dao Ben Sheng, which are published in the fifth number of the Buddhist Texts Not Contained in the Tripitaka, are all Prof. Deng's posthumous works, and the Da Nian Chu Jing has been jointly translated by Prof. Deng and Mrs. Zhao. In addition, the Da Sui Dao Ben Sheng Jing Zhuan translated by Prof. Deng has been published and included into the "Library of Dharma Voice" by the Chinese Buddhist Association, and his Zhang Lao Ji and Zhang Lao Ni Ji have also been put into one book and published by the Chinese Social Sciences Publishing House. At present, a group of young monks in Chinese Buddhist circles have been greatly interested in initial Buddhism, and expect to find ways from early Buddhism to cure some maladies in contemporary Buddhist circles. We hope that the translations of the southern Buddhist scriptures can be helpful to their exploration.
What has extremely delighted us is that we are able to offer a group of scriptures of the Azhali Sect in Yunnan to our readers.
The Buddhist Azhali Sect is popular in Dali and some other areas in Yunnan. This has been a well-known fact for a long time. Nevertheless, as to which system this Azhali Sect actually belongs to, people have voiced various opinions. Some think that it belongs to the system of Indian Tantrism; some feel that it belongs to the system of Tibetan Buddhism; others hold that it is the result of the naturalization of Indian Tantrism, and therefore name it as "Yunnan Tantrism." In a word, although people are still unable to define it properly, they generally attribute it to Tantrism. A few years ago, Prof. Lan Jifu from Taiwan, after his on-the-spot investigation there, pointed out that "the relationships between the Azhali Sect and Tantrism has to be reassessed. It would be imprecise to indiscreetly equate the Azhali Sect with the Tang Dynasty Tantrism during the reign period named Kaiyuan (713-741) or Japanese and Tibetan Tantrism. "(Yunnan Dali De Azhali Jiao, Zhongguo Fojiao Fanlun, Xin Wen Feng Publishing Company, August 1993, p. 5) He thought that "the Azhali belief is still the magic belief at the mixed period of Tantrism...It seems to be just the show of the outer casting of Tantrism, and has not yet absorbed the kernel connotation of Tantrism...The doctrine of the Azhali Sect has mainly come from hinterland Buddhism of China." (ibid., p. 71) He has indicated a new orientation for the studies of the Azhali Sect. Mr. Hou Chong, who works with the Institute of Religious Studies, the Yunnan Social Sciences Academy, has collected a large amount of the scriptures of the Azhali Sect after long-termed painstaking efforts. He has put forth on the basis of his rich material that the Azhali Sect is not equal to Tantrism as our predecessors have stated. On the contrary, it is in fact the vestiges of the 'religious' sect that occurred and migrated to Yunnan in early Ming Dynasty. In another word, the so-called Azhali Sect is, as a matter of fact, a living fossil of the "religious" sect in the Ming Dynasty. Of course, the living fossil here means to stress that the origin of the Azhali Sect can be traced back to the "religious" sect in the Ming Dynasty. By saying so, we do not mean that the Azhali Sect is identical with the "religious" sect in the Ming Dynasty and had not undergone any changes. All dharmas are changeable, and nothing can remain intact in the world. For instance, it is a great change for a layman to work for the Azhali Sect at present. In a word, Mr. Hou's research has cleared all kinds of doubts and helped us gain completely new knowledge of Azhali Sect, though there is still many an aspect in his research work for him to improve and perfect.
It is also significant for Mr. Hou to prove once again in his work that it is of great importance to try to gain firsthand information in scientific research. That people had various impractical opinions on the Azhali Sect before was mainly due to their lack of source material and their satisfaction with copying and citing some secondhand information. Mr. Lan made on-the-spot investigation and yet, confined by conditions, was unable to practically see many Azhali scriptures. However, just by the catalogs of partial Azhali scriptures and other material he had come across, he keenly found out that the before-going viewpoints were mistaken. The key for Mr. Hou to discover what others had not is his investigation, obtainment and collation of a large amount of Azhali scriptures that our predecessors had not seen. What we publish in the sixth number of our Buddhist Texts Not Contained in the Tripitaka is just a part of them. We do hope that this kind of style of study, which attaches importance to source material, can be carried forward in reality. At the same time, we also hope that various working places that collect and store documents can inherit the good tradition to regard "learning as a public business under the heaven," and make due contributions to the development of Chinese academic and cultural causes.
Stone inscriptions have always been a very important part of Buddhist material. The content of stone inscriptions has been pretty rich and full, covering tablet inscriptions, tablet records of statue construction and scriptures carved on stone blocks, etc.. Ancient monks once paid exceptional attention to the collection and utilization of the material. For instance, almost all the biographies of the monks in the past ages made wide use of the stone inscriptions. In the fourth number of the Buddhist Texts Not Contained in the Tripitaka, we publish a group of the stone inscriptions from Dazu, Sichuan. The Dazu Grottoes opened up in the Song Dynasty are among the famous Chinese grottoes. All the carved scriptures, hymns and statues have offered important material for us to get to know and make studies of the then Buddhism. The Dazu stone inscriptions published in the fourth number of the Buddhist Texts Not Contained in the Tripitaka, for instance, have clearly reflected the features of the then Buddhism: to encourage people to do good and punish evil-doers by the concept of retribution; to win over people by advocating filial duty; and to call on people to get salvation from other forces so as to obtain their deliverance, which are just the three most fundamental characteristics of the popularized Chinese Buddhism or Buddhism in the nature of belief.
Collating Buddhist texts from the surviving Dunhuang books has become a distinguishing feature of the Buddhist Texts Not Contained in the Tripitaka. Since our three numbers from the fourth to the sixth have included a lot of non-Dunhuang material, we have to reduce the scope for Dunhuang material and can only publish five texts concerned. The fourth number also publishes two pieces of material regarding the Sanjie Sect. One of them is entitled Fo Xing Wen Da, discovered in the Beijing Library in recent years, and we have specially requested Mr. Ye Luhua to collate it. Since there are more nonstandard forms of Chinese characters used in Dunhuang in the text, and we lack any collated texts for us to check against, we can not say for certain that we have identified all the Chinese characters without any mistakes, though we have rectified the text repeatedly and have also consulted some experts in philology. We, therefore, request our readers to point out any mistakes they may find. Another text entitled Da Cheng Wu Jin Zang Fa is an early work by Xinxing. The Japanese scholar 矢吹慶輝 once named it as "Posthumous Work by Xinxing" and included it into the Sanjiejiao Yanjiu as its material. Now it has been collated once again according to some newly-found material. The Ru Lai Zai Jin Guan Zhu Lei Qing Jing Zhuang Yan Jing Fu Jing is a "doubtful and spurious work" written by a Chinese, and we have collated it on the basis of some surviving Dunhuang books and some stone inscription material. The said text emphasizes particularly that one must write a scripture or build a statue according to dharma; it can also reflect the great efforts the monks in the Northern and Southern Dynasties had made to correct the maladies of the times. I think that it is of certain significance for every collator of the Dunhuang Buddhist literature to learn something from this. The Dunhuang Buddhist texts in the three said numbers also include the Yu Jia Shi Di Kai Shi Fen Men Ji in the fifth number and the Jin Xin Yi Da Fang Guang Fo Hua Yan Jing Biao (Fu Zong Mu) in the sixth number.
Each number from the fourth to the sixth publishes a research paper. Mr. Chen Jinhua's paper entitled Chuan Shanwuwei Suo Yi San Bu Mijiao Yigui Chuchu Ji Niandai Kao is an abridged version of his doctoral dissertation. With a vast amount of evidences and tight logic, he points out in his dissertation that the three Tantric scriptures are in fact not translated by Shanwuwei, but by a Japanese monk of the Tiantai Sect, though the translation of them has traditionally been attributed to the former. Since this has involved a series of vital matters with both the Tiantai and the Tantric Sects in Japanese Buddhism, I am sure that it should interest our readers. Mr. Hou has listed more than fifty personally collected texts belonging to the Azhali Sect in his paper entitled Yunnan Azhalijiao Jingdian Ji Qi Zai Zhongguo Fojiao Zhong De Yanjiu Jiazhi, and he has also briefly talked about his latest viewpoints on the studies of the Yunnan Azhali Sect. We therefore have attached it as an appendix to the texts of the Azhali Sect published in our sixth number. As for my paper entitled Tiantai Jiaodian Ruzang Kao, I have to say that it aims at probing the catalog structure of the Kaibaozang, though the object I have examined is the inclusion of the scriptures of the Tiantai Sect into the Tripitaka. Since I have made an appointment with Mr. 緒方香州, a Japanese scholar, to cooperate with each other in the program of studying and restoring the original catalog of the Kaibaozang, this paper is in fact a partial result of the above-mentioned research.
The third number of the Buddhist Texts Not Contained in the Tripitaka was published in March, 1997. Since then, our readers have kept inquiring for information about the publication of the following numbers. According to the original plan that one new number was to be published by the editorial board every six months, we should have published the fourth number in 1997. However, as what we have said above, the editorial process has been different from before and has been delayed, for the majority of the organized contributions are not provided by our editors. Finally, we decide to publish simultaneously the contributions in the fourth to sixth numbers as a whole. In this way, we have basically kept pace with our original plan. From now on, we shall try our best to publish one number every six months, if our funds can be guaranteed and no other special matters occur unexpectedly. In terms of the content, in addition to publishing continuously some of the collated texts of the Azhali Sect, we shall still lay stress on the collation of the Dunhuang surviving books.
序
《藏外佛教文獻》第一輯の序において、「藏外佛教文獻」とは何であるかを、つぎのように解釋したことがある。「近代以來、サンスクリツト語．パーリ語．チベツト語．モンゴル語等の言語に翻譯された佛教典籍。敦煌藏經洞に保存された大量の佛教典籍。各地の圖書館．博物館に保管された歷代大藏經未收の古代佛教典籍。正史．地方史志．叢書．類書．個人の文集中に含まれる佛教資料。佛教に關わる金石資料。近現代の佛教著作と資料。それらすべてを『藏外佛教文獻』と呼ぶ。」これまでの第一輯から第三輯までは、敦煌遺書中の若干の佛教文獻を集中的に整理發表してきたのであるが、今回の第四輯から第六輯においては、その他の方面の佛教文獻をも若干選擇紹介して、いわゆる「藏外佛教文獻」の具體的なイメージをもつていただきたいとおもう。
まずチベツト語佛典の漢譯版である。周知のように、藏傳佛教はわが國の三大佛教體系のひとつで、漢傳佛教とつねに影響關係にあつた。典籍の交流史からみて、藏傳佛教の典籍は漢文佛典に四回影響を及ぼしてきた。第一回は唐代である。當時の吐蕃が敦煌を統治した七十餘年のあいだ、敦煌においていくつかのチベツト語佛典が漢譯され、量的に多くはなかつたけれども、敦煌佛教にとつては大きな影響力をもつた。それらの典籍は內地に傳わることなく、したがつて漢文大藏經に收められなかつたが、さいわいに敦煌遺書中に保存された。《藏外佛教文獻》第三輯に發表した《因緣心論頌》、《因緣心論釋》がすなわちそれである。第二回は西夏において、かなりの量のチベツト語佛典が漢譯された。これらの佛典はおもに西夏で流傳し、傳統的な大藏經には收められなかつたが、近代以來、西夏の故地からしばしば發見されている。《藏外佛教文獻》第二輯發表した《八種粗重犯墮》がすなわちそれである。第三回は元代であるが、現有の資料からみて、漢譯の量は少なく、また入藏している。第四回は近代のことで、典籍の交涉はその深さにおいても、廣さにおいても、それまでの三回をはるかに凌駕し、漢譯された典籍は無慮百十部におよぶが、今に至るまで全面的系統的な收集と整理がなされていない。今回そのなかから隆蓮法師が五十年代初期に翻譯した《入菩薩行論廣解》をえらび、第四輯に登載することにした。隆蓮法師は當代中國比丘尼の第一人者で、その譯本は趙樸初先生が序文に賞贊されるとおり定評がある。目下、藏傳密教への關心が高まり、書籍の出版もさかんであるが、評價は定まつていない。この文獻の發表によつて、藏傳佛教の第一次資料が重視され、學修と研究が根本から變革されることを期待するものである。
つぎは南傳佛典の漢譯版である。南傳佛典は古代から多くの經典が漢譯されてきたが、佛教の不振とともに、その翻譯も途絕えてしまつた。今世紀の三十年代に《普慧藏》が編纂されたとき、南傳佛典漢譯の計劃があつたが、この方面の人才不足のため、《普慧藏》に收められたのは、日本語から重譯された若干の南傳佛典のみであつた。その後、南傳佛典の翻譯はわが國佛教界、學界の懸案事項として、《法句經》や《清淨道論》などが漢譯されたものの、斷續的で、全面的展開には至らなかつた。八十年代になつて情況に變化があらわれ、台灣の佛教界では日本語からの重譯に力を注ぎ、大陸の學者はパーリ語原典から直接に漢譯する努力がつづけられた。とりわけ鄧殿臣教授は全力を傾けてこの一大事業に取りくむ決意を示され、南傳佛典のすぐれた翻譯を續けてこられたが、まさにわれわれが南傳佛典を陸續刊行しようとしたそのときに、疲勞のため不幸にして逝去された。これはわれわれにとつて大きな打擊であつた。教授逝去のしばらく前に、わたしはその譯稿を《藏外佛教文獻》に發表する約束をしていた。告別のとき、何としてもその翻譯された典籍を出版にこぎつけようと決意を固め、趙桐夫人の協力を得て、いまこの悲願は實現することとなつたのである。このたび第五輯に收載された《小誦》、《即興自說》、《大隧道本生》は教授の遺稿であり、《大念處經》は教授と趙桐夫人の共譯である。このほか、教授の翻譯にかかる《大隧道本生經傳》は中國佛教協會によつて法音文庫の一冊として刊行され、《長老偈》と《長老尼偈》も中國社會科學出版社から出版されている。いま中國佛教界の若い僧侶たちは、昨今の佛教界にはびこる病弊を救う法門をみいだすべく、初期佛教に對して強い關心を寄せている。ここに收載した南傳佛教典籍の翻譯が、かれらの探索に裨益するものであることを願つている。
第六輯に雲南の阿吒力（アヂヤリ）教の典籍資料を提供できたことをうれしくおもう。
雲南大理に「阿吒力教」と呼ばれる佛教が流布していることは、はやくから知られていた。しかしこの阿吒力教がどの系統に屬するものであるかについては、解釋の一致を見ず、インド密教の系統、チベツト佛教の系統、あるいはインド密教が中國化したものとして「滇密」と呼ばれており、嚴密な定義がなされぬまま、一般には密教に歸せられていたものである。數年前、台灣の藍吉富教授は現地調查にもとづいて、阿吒力教と「密教との關係は再檢討の必要があり、輕率に唐代開元期の密教あるいは日本．チベツトの密教（あるいは密宗）にひとしいと判斷するのは正確ではない」（《雲南大理の阿吒力教》，《中國佛教泛論》所收，新文豐出版公司，1993年8月）と指摘し、「阿吒力教の信仰はなお雜密段階の法術的信仰であり、……密教的外殼を示すにすぎず、その中心的內容を吸收してはいない。……その教法は、主要にはやはり中國內地の佛教から攝取したものである」（同上）として、阿吒力教研究に新しい方向を示された。
雲南社會科學院宗教研究所の侯沖氏は長年にわたる努力のすえ、大量の阿吒力教典籍を收集し、充分な資料的基礎の上に立つて、それが從來言われていたような密教ではなく、明代初期の教禪講分離政策下に出現し雲南に移つた教派の殘餘であるとの見解を出された。すなわち阿吒力教とは、じつは明代教派の活きた化石である。もちろん活きた化石とは言つても、明代教派を相承しつつも、その原型を完全に保ち改變を受けなかつたというのではない。世のすべては諸法無常であつて、變化せぬものはない。たとえば在家のまま阿吒力となるなどは大きな變化である。侯沖氏の研究は細部の論證をへて完成されたものではないが、從前の疑滯を一掃し、阿吒力教に對するわれわれの認識を一新させるものであつた。
侯沖氏の仕事のもうひとつ意義は、科學的研究において第一次資料を掌握することの重要性をあらためて示したことである。從來阿吒力教に關して實際にそぐわない皮相な見かたが多かつたのは、第一次資料にもとづかず、第二次資料や孫引きで滿足していたところに主な原因があつた。藍吉富氏の現地調查はさまざまな制約から、阿吒力教の典籍を充分收集できなかつたとはいえ、實見した一部の目錄やその他の資料から、從來の說が誤つていたことを銳敏に察知された。侯沖氏の研究が前人を凌駕するのは、まさに從來見られなかつた大量の阿吒力教典をみずから調查し整理されたからに他ならない。第六輯に發表したものはその一部である。われわれはこうした第一次資料を重視する學風が正當に評價繼承されることを願つている。同時に、文獻を收藏する各種の機關と個人が、「學術は天下の公器」というよき傳統を受け繼いで、中國學術文化事業の發展に貢獻されるよう希望するものである。
石刻資料は佛教資料の重要な部分を占めてきた。それは碑銘．造像題記．刻經などのさまざまな內容をもつている。古代においてもその收集と利用は重視され、歷代の僧傳などはみな大量の碑銘資料にもとづいている。《藏外佛教文獻》第四輯に、われわれは重慶の大足石刻資料を登載することにした。大足石窟は宋代に創られた著名な石窟であり、刻された經文．偈頌や造像は、當時の佛教を研究し理解するのに重要な資料を提供してくれる。たとえば今回收錄した石刻資料から、當時の佛教の因果應報と勸善懲惡、孝道の提唱による民心の收攬、他力救濟による解脫信仰といつた特色を明らかに看取することができ、しかもこれこそは中國の民俗化した佛教、あるいは信仰としての佛教のもつとも基本的な三大特色といつてよい。
敦煌遺書の佛教文獻の整理は、すでに《藏外佛教文獻》の特色となつている。今回の第四、第五、第六の三輯は非敦煌資料が多きを占めたので、敦煌資料の份量を縮小せざるを得ず、すべて五篇の收錄となつた。第四輯に收めた三階教資料二篇にうちの《佛性問答》（擬題）は、近年北京圖書館で新たに發見されたもので、とくに業露華氏に整理を依賴した。その本文には敦煌俗字が多く見られ、對照すべき校本もなく、何度も校錄を檢討し、さらに文字學の專門家の指教をも得たが、なおすべの文字に完全を期したとは言えず、讀者諸賢による是正を待ちたい。もう一篇の《大乘無盡藏法》は信行の初期の著作で、日本の矢吹慶輝氏が「信行遺文」として《三階教研究》資料篇に收めたものである。このたび新發見の資料によつて再整理の手を加えた。同じく第四輯の《如來在金棺3囑累清淨莊嚴敬福經》は中國人撰述の疑偽經であるが、敦煌遺書と石刻資料を綜合して整理をした。この經典が正しく寫經造像すべきことをとくに強調しているのは、南北朝時代の僧たちが時弊を矯正しようとした努力の表われであろう。そしてこれはわれわれ佛教文獻の整理にたづさわる者ひとりひとりにとつても、銘記すべきことにおもわれる。今回の三輯に收めた敦煌佛教文獻には、そのほか第五輯の《瑜伽師地開釋分門記》と第六輯の《進新譯大方廣佛花嚴經表（附總目）》がある。
第四、第五、第六の三輯それぞれに研究論文一篇を收載する。陳金華氏の《傳善無畏所譯三部密教儀軌の譯出地と年代考》は博士論文の要約で、多くの證據と嚴密な論理によつて、傳統的に善無畏による翻譯とされてきた三部の密教典籍がじつは善無畏所譯ではなく、日本の天台宗の僧による編撰であることを指摘している。これは日本佛教の台密系のもつ大きな問題として、讀者の興味をひくことであろう。侯沖氏の《雲南阿吒力教經典とその中國佛教における研究價值》は、氏の收集にかかる五十餘種の阿吒力教典籍の目錄をつらね、自身の阿吒力教研究の最新見解を敘べたもので、第六輯に發表した阿吒力教經典の附錄とすることができる。拙論《天台教典入藏考》が考察の對像としたのは天台教典の入藏であるが、その目的は《開寶藏》目錄の構成の探索にある。かつてわたしは日本の緒方香州氏と共同で《開寶藏》目錄の復原研究をすすめる計劃を話しあつたが、この論文はその研究の一環である。
《藏外佛教文獻》の第三輯を1997年3月に出版したあと、たびたび讀者からその後の出版についての問い合わせがあつた。半年ごとに一輯を刊行するという編輯委員會の方針に照らせば、97年內に第四輯を出すはずであつたが、上に記したように、今回收錄した原稿の大部分は編輯委員會以外の手になるものであつたため、整理編輯の進行狀況も從來と異なり、定稿に遲延をきたすこととなつた。けつきよく第四、第五、第六の三輯の原稿をひとまとめにし、統一處理をして同時出版することに決定した次第である。こうして全體からみれば、基本的に半年一輯のペースを守つたことになる。今後も經費が保證され、特殊事情のないかぎり、半年一輯刊行の努力をつづけてゆく所存である。內容については、すでに整理のすんだ阿吒力教の典籍の發表を除いて、やはり整理の重點を敦煌遺書に置きたいと考えている。